Narendra Modi will attend virtually from New Delhi, rejecting face-to-face with Donald Trump; trade deal with U.S. remains on hold as India weighs energy and agriculture stakes.
Dateline: Kuala Lumpur / New Delhi | 27 October 2025
Summary: India’s prime minister will participate virtually in the 22nd ASEAN-India Summit (October 26-28 2025) in Kuala Lumpur, officially due to the Diwali timings, but observers view it as a signal of India’s calibrated diplomacy amid evolving Indo-Pacific dynamics. A potential meeting with U.S. President Trump has been ruled out, underscoring the trade impasse: U.S. levies on Indian goods remain at ~50 %, and while reductions to 15-16 % have been floated, India’s concerns on energy and agriculture continue to delay a deal.
The diplomatic setting: ASEAN, India and the neighbourhood calculus
The 22nd iteration of the ASEAN-India Summit is taking place at a pivotal moment. With growing geopolitical fault-lines in the Indo-Pacific—between the U.S., China, and Southeast Asian states—India’s role is under fresh scrutiny. The summit theme of “Inclusivity and Sustainability”, and its host, Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, reflect an attempt to reassert ASEAN centrality even as global powers jockey for influence.
India, for its part, has consistently defined ASEAN as a “pillar” of its Act-East policy and a key partner in its 2047 “Viksit Bharat” vision. In his address, the prime minister reiterated India’s support for the “ASEAN Community Vision 2045” and announced 2026 as the “ASEAN-India Year of Maritime Cooperation”.
Virtual attendance: signal and substance
Prime Minister Modi’s decision to join virtually—citing Deepavali timings and the festival season—was confirmed in a statement by the Prime Minister’s Office. While formally justified, the optics are jarring in diplomatic terms: summit-hosts customarily expect physical presence of heads of government. Analysts argue this sends a calibrated message: India is prioritising selective engagements, preserving flexibility in its big-power diplomacy.
Beyond optics, the virtual attendance allows India to engage without committing to side-meetings expected in Kuala Lumpur, notably with President Trump. With U.S. tariffs on Indian exports still unresolved and strategic sector differences persistent, this may be interpreted as a subtle diplomatic pause.
Trade, tariffs and timing
One of the key under-currents of the summit this year is the prospect of an India-U.S. trade deal. Earlier this month, U.S. officials floated a possible tariff reduction on Indian imports—from ~50 % to ~15-16%—in exchange for commitments in agricultural market access and energy procurement. However, progress stalled as India pushed back on terms seen as unfair within its domestic politics and economy.
India’s calculus appears multifaceted:
- Dependence on Russian oil imports, currently under U.S. sanctions pressure, complicates negotiating flexibility.
- Agriculture remains politically sensitive: Indian governments have historically resisted major liberalisation without safeguards for small farmers.
- India’s domestic manufacturing push and its “Make in India” agenda means any deal must protect infant industries and data security concerns.
In sum: the virtual attendance, the absence of a Modi-Trump meeting, and the tariff impasse together suggest that while India seeks closer economic integration with ASEAN and partners, it remains cautious about locking in compromises that could impinge strategic autonomy.
Key announcements at the summit
According to the Ministry of External Affairs, several key initiatives were unveiled during the Summit:
- Designation of 2026 as the “ASEAN-India Year of Maritime Cooperation”, signalling deeper engagement in domains such as the blue economy, maritime security, and disaster-response.
- Joint adoption of a Statement on Sustainable Tourism between ASEAN and India, aligning with shared goals in travel, green economy and cultural connectivity.
- Commitment to train 400 professionals in renewable energy to support the ASEAN Power Grid initiative—linking energy security, clean technology and regional integration.
- Proposed establishment of a Centre for Southeast Asian Studies at Nalanda University, nurturing academic, cultural and policy linkages.
What’s behind the faint handshake with the U.S.
While India and the U.S. continue to engage on strategic and economic fronts, the summit’s disrupted rhythm—the non-meeting of India’s PM and Trump—raises questions on the pace of the bilateral trade deal and the broader geopolitical alignment. Key points:
- The absence of the face-to-face meeting signals India’s desire to avoid appearing locked into a U.S. agenda ahead of its domestic festival season and state elections.
- India may be signalling to ASEAN that its Indo-Pacific strategy is not subordinate to any single power, reaffirming ASEAN centrality and strategic autonomy.
- India’s oil-and-gas imports from Russia remain a contentious issue; Washington’s 25 % punitive tariff on Indian goods in August under Section 301 remains unresolved.
Economic-security balancing in the Indo-Pacific
India’s diplomacy in Southeast Asia has matured from commerce to strategic depth. At the summit, the emphasis on the blue economy, maritime exercises and renewable energy linkages reflect this evolution. India’s announcement of the “Year of Maritime Cooperation” in 2026 signals its readiness to leverage its naval, port and shipbuilding assets as part of a larger Indo-Pacific ecosystem.
Domestic optics: Deepavali timing and Indian public narrative
The Indian government retained the official narrative that the prime minister’s virtual presence is due to the Deepavali festival and his responsibilities at home. That explanation is credible domestically, but diplomats note that the scheduling clash conveniently sidesteps potential media questions over the stalled trade deal. Indian media also flagged that pre-summit expectations of a Modi–Trump handshake had been downgraded days before.
Reaction and expert commentary
Regional commentators observed that India’s decision to attend virtually will likely be interpreted in Kuala Lumpur as a mixed message: while India declares ASEAN centrality, not physically attending might dampen perceptions of commitment. Nevertheless, some analysts argue that optics matter less than substance: India has signalled continuity in its Indo-Pacific strategy but is clearly not willing to be hurried into trade concessions.
Professor Srinivasa Ramanujam of the Centre for Southeast Asia Studies tweeted:
> “India teaches us a lesson in calibrated diplomacy. Presence or absence matters less than the agenda you set and the ground you cover.”
Meanwhile, trade-policy specialist Meena Shankar noted:
> “The tariff-deal sweet spot of 15-16% can still happen—but not on Washington’s timeline. India needs its economics and its autonomy intact.”
Implications for India-ASEAN and India-US links
The summit results suggest a bifurcation of India’s external-economic diplomacy into two tracks:
- Regional economic-security integration: India doubling down with ASEAN, supply-chain linkages, maritime coordination and clean-energy partnerships.
- Major-power economic diplomacy: India playing the U.S. and China but not aligning fully yet—protecting its room for manoeuvre while extracting concessions.
For ASEAN, India’s presence—even virtual—remains important. But member-states will watch if attendance becomes symbolic rather than substantive, especially given the heavy involvement of China and the U.S. in the region. For the U.S., the absence of a Modi-Trump side-meeting may delay momentum for the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and a bilateral trade agreement currently under negotiation.
What to watch next
Key indicators to track in coming weeks:
- Release of negotiated terms between India and the U.S. on tariffs and market access.
- Implementation plans for the maritime cooperation agenda: which ports, which naval exercises, how much budget.
- Follow-up hardware deals or clean-energy partnerships announced with ASEAN states before the year-end.
- India’s domestic posture ahead of festival season and state-election cycles—any shifts in posture to capitalise on soft diplomacy.
Bottom line
India’s choice to attend the ASEAN summit virtually is a disciplined diplomatic decision, not an accident. It reflects a deeper playbook: engage selectively, prioritise autonomy, and avoid unnecessary trade-commitments in the run-up to critical domestic phases. At the same time, the initiatives around maritime cooperation, renewable energy and tourism show that India is serious about deepening its ASEAN ties. The absence of a Modi-Trump meeting and the persistent trade standoff with the U.S. serve as reminders that economic convergence is a negotiation, not a sprint. For India, the path ahead lies not in rush-to-signature deals but in calibrated, long-term partnerships. The 22nd ASEAN-India Summit may be a milestone in the boutique diplomacy era—where presence is symbolic, agenda is strategic and timing is everything.

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